The Conquest of Gaza

Netanyahu's war on Gaza is not about October 7. It is now a war of conquest.

This week, the Senate may vote on a resolution of disapproval for the sale of certain U.S. weapons to Israel. The resolution will fail. The majority of the Senate is too cowardly to stand up to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Washington lobby empire.

Below, I reprint a powerful argument by Jeremy Ben-Ami in favor of blocking these offensive weapons. He is the president of J Street, the pro-Israel, pro-peace, pro-diplomacy American organization that I have long supported. I urge you to subscribe to his newsletter. He argues, in part:

The focus needed to shift months ago to reaching an agreement to bring the hostages home and to putting in place a post-war framework for security, governance and reconstruction. Yet the fighting, killing and destruction goes on, and, as the Israeli journalist Barak Ravid recently shockingly explained to an audience of American Jewish leaders, because of this Israeli government, “we are much closer to Israeli settlements being built in Gaza than hostages coming home from Gaza.”

I agree. I told Sirius/XM host Zerlina Maxwell last week that "What's going on in Gaza now is not destroying Hamas. This is no longer a fight about retribution for the horrible massacre Hamas committed October 7th. This is a war of conquest. They are conquering Gaza."

Photo by Mohammed Ibrahim on Unsplash

Maxwell asked me on her show, Mornings with Zerlina, what the appointment of Mike Huckabee as the new US ambassador to Israel would mean for the citizens of Gaza. I told her that Huckabee is a Christian nationalist zealot. For him, Israel is important because of his belief in the Rapture. According to this religious fantasy, I said, “Israel has to exist so when the messiah returns, the ‘Final Conflict’ can take place in Israel. The Jews will die, except for a small portion that convert, and this will enable the second coming of Christ.”

Huckabee says that he does not use words like “occupied territory” or “settlement” or even “the West Bank.” For him, I told Maxwell, “This is Judea and Samaria. He says this is naturally Israel's territory. They have a title deed to all of this, he says, given to them by God in the Bible which, of course, is what the most right wing elements of the Netanyahu government believe, like Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Givir, the far right ministers that are basically running in the show. They want to annex the West Bank. As far as Trump and Huckabee are concerned, that's okay with them.” It is also the stated desire of far-right billionaire Miriam Adelson who donated $100 million to Trump’s campaign.

The plan, I explained, is to “take over the occupied territories that they have held since 1967 and formally make them part of Israel, in whole or in part. Maybe it's just the settlements, where 500,000 Jewish Israelis live among the 2 million Palestinians.” These would now officially become Israeli territory. Perhaps do the same for Gaza or parts of Gaza. “What's going on Gaza now is not destroying Hamas,” I said. “This is no longer a fight about retribution for the horrible massacre committed October 7. This is a war of conquest. They are conquering Gaza. They've destroyed almost everything there: hospitals, schools, businesses. There are 2 million people in Gaza on the verge of famine.”

I noted that last week yet another new United Nations report was released on the desperate situation, documenting the imminent risk of Israel starving millions of people to death. I had to say with deep regret that President Joe Biden has done nothing to prevent this. The administration, I said “issued a letter on October 13 demanding that Israel stop interfering with humanitarian and aid to those people. It gave them a deadline of November 13. The deadline came and Biden did…nothing. Absolutely nothing.”

As Jeremy says, “History will not be kind to those who step back when the moment demands a clear and powerful statement of disapproval of how this war has been conducted and of horror at the death, destruction and humanitarian disaster that has been created.”

Here is his full analysis.

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Senators: As Friends of Israel, Vote To Disapprove What The Gaza War Has Become

This week, the Senate votes to "disapprove" some arms sales to Israel. Here's why that's the right move for Senators who care about US foreign policy and about Israel.

This coming week, the US Senate will hold what may, at first glance, seem a symbolic vote on a “joint resolution of disapproval” of proposed arms sales to Israel.

I say “symbolic” because the sales are a done deal. The deadline for disapproval is long past, and, even if it weren’t, the resolution won’t garner the votes needed to actually block such sales.

But symbolism has meaning. Senators who vote yes can send the important message that even strong friends of Israel disapprove of the way Prime Minister Netanyahu has conducted the Gaza war, of his far-right coalition’s disrespect for the Biden administration and of the US administration’s failure to use its leverage to change Netanyahu’s policies and actions. 

For 13 months, the United States has demonstrated steadfast support financially, militarily and diplomatically for Israel as it responded to the heinous crime of October 7^th and subsequent attacks by Hezbollah, the Houthis and Iran itself.

But there comes a point when friends must tell friends they’re no longer acting in their own best interests. Many of us who care deeply about Israel fear we reached that point long ago. We agree with Israel’s recently-fired Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant that all possible military goals have been accomplished.

The focus needed to shift months ago to reaching an agreement to bring the hostages home and to putting in place a post-war framework for security, governance and reconstruction. Yet the fighting, killing and destruction goes on, and, as the Israeli journalist Barak Ravid recently shockingly explained to an audience of American Jewish leaders, because of this Israeli government, “we are much closer to Israeli settlements being built in Gaza than hostages coming home from Gaza.”

There are multiple reasons Senators should vote for at least one resolution of disapproval. One is to demonstrate concern as friends about where Israel is headed if this war isn’t stopped now. Another is America’s own role in this tragedy. The US is not an uninvolved observer. It has supplied so many of the weapons that made this devastation possible.

Tens of thousands of Gazan civilians are dead and injured. Nearly the entire population of the Strip is displaced. 60-70 percent of Gaza’s structures have been destroyed, vast areas bulldozed and cleared. The bare essentials of human survival are in dangerously short supply. Hunger and disease are rampant. Don’t just take it from me, this is the assessment of the World Food Program’s Cindy McCain.

I know this won’t be a politically easy vote. Hardline advocates for the Netanyahu government will level accusations of being soft on terror, not true friends of Israel and worse.

I’m reminded a bit of the fall of 2002, when the resolution to authorize the Iraq War came before Congress. It was clear to many then that the case for war rested on flawed intel and a fabricated connection between Saddam Hussein and 9/11.

The analogy is not perfect – the Iraq War was unjustified and the war against Hamas is rooted in a justified response to a horrific attack.

I’m struck, though, by some similar dynamics then and now. Then, consultants, pollsters and pundits warned Democratic Senators that Republicans would use a ‘no’ vote to make them look weak on national security. The safe thing, they were told, was to vote yes since the resolution was going to pass anyway.

Thankfully, 23 Senators rose to the occasion and voted no. Four of them are still in the Senate today. The resolution passed overwhelmingly, but those who courageously voted no can hold their heads high in the bright light of history. I hope those who voted yes recognize that – in hindsight – doing so was the biggest mistake of their political careers.

I and many others in politics then decided we’d never support anyone who voted in favor of the Iraq war. That’s how I ended up working for Howard Dean in the 2004 presidential campaign. It’s – I am sure – the main reason Dean catapulted to the top of the field during the 2003 primaries, and ultimately I believe it’s why Barack Obama ended up the Party’s nominee in 2008.

Despite the differences in the wars, this week’s vote demands similar political courage.

Voting yes on at least one resolution of disapproval sends a signal - seen throughout Washington, American politics, the Middle East and the world – that there is political will in Washington to object to the course of the war, to enforce American law and to use the leverage we have when Israel’s government consistently defies the American president’s will.

It's not just history that will hold Senators to account, those with further electoral ambitions will have to answer to voters in years to come whether they demonstrated the backbone to stand up and call out this horrific situation.

I urge as many Senators as possible to come together this week and make a joint statement – whether they vote yes on one or more of the resolutions of disapproval – to explain all of this and lay out the import of their vote.

I urge them to highlight that their vote reflects their continued support for the state and people of Israel – and for Palestine – and for assistance to Israel designed to meet legitimate security needs, such as defensive systems like Iron Dome which aren’t impacted by these votes. They need to clarify, however, as well that our assistance does not come in the form of a blank check.

History will not be kind to those who step back when the moment demands a clear and powerful statement of disapproval of how this war has been conducted and of horror at the death, destruction and humanitarian disaster that has been created.

If you need someone to write it, just give me a call.